Iowa police accused of racially profiling 2 black men

Police body camera and cruiser cameras show a July 15 traffic stop, which a local activist group claims is evidence of racially biased policing. Wochit

The Des Moines Police Department is investigating a July traffic stop after an activist group published police recordings of the incident and claimed that they showed evidence of racially biased policing.

The activist group, Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement, is pointing the finger at Des Moines Senior Police Officer Kyle Thies, who pulled over two black men on July 15 after they drove out of Union Park on the north side of the city.

On Wednesday, Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement released multiple videos of the police stop, including two takes from body camera footage and two from inside the police cruiser. CCI leaders say the traffic stop is just the latest suspect incident involving Thies and minorities; the group has previously filed two complaints with the police department’s office of professional standards for similar reasons.

In the video, Thies is shown repeatedly asking the two men if they were carrying weapons. He claims to smell marijuana in the car and to spot marijuana residue on the car’s floor. It’s unclear from the video what prompted the stop.

Thies tells the pair that he believes the passenger is carrying a weapon because he is “acting funny.”

“Your buddy’s giving me the idea that maybe he’s got a gun, you know what I mean,” the officer says. “That’s what I think.”

“How?” the passenger asks.

“Just the way you’re holding yourself, man. That’s why we’re nervous, man. That’s it,” he said. “If you’re scared because you got a little bit of weed, that’ll be one thing.”

The officers removed both men from the car.

“You’re making me think something funny’s going on,” Thies says on the video as he pats down the driver, Montray Little, a 23-year-old from Des Moines.

After searching the car, the officers apparently found no drugs or weapons. But Thies continued to interrogate Little while he sat in the back of a police cruiser in handcuffs.

At one point, the officer pushes the man to admit he was smoking marijuana or was around others who were smoking. He threatens to write a citation if the man won’t confess. But Little maintains that he was only smoking cigarettes.

Even after releasing both men, Thies seemed to suspect some foul play.

“I feel like I was missing something,” he said on the video after he re-enters the police cruiser.

Des Moines police spokesman Sgt. Paul Parizek said he had not reviewed the videos as of Wednesday evening. But the department will consider their public release as a complaint and begin an investigation, he said.

“We’re definitely going to look into it,” he said. “And there will be an administrative review.”

Neither officer is currently facing any discipline from the incident.

Both Little and his passenger, Jared Clinton, 21, of Des Moines, declined to comment. But Clinton’s mother spoke out, saying that the incident fit a pattern of racially biased policing.

“I’m horrified. I’ve been saying this for years that our kids are barely making it out of routine traffic stops,” Laural Clinton said. “We’ve been lulled into some kind of security, thinking that, ‘Oh, at least you didn’t get killed or go to jail,’ as some prize for being harassed.”

She said her oldest son was harassed by a police officer in downtown Des Moines just eight days before the recorded incident. He was smoking a cigarette outside a bar he was patronizing as police claimed he fit the description of a wanted suspect, she said.

And her 21-year-old has been hassled by police before, she said.

“He cut his dreadlocks off because he can’t walk outside the house without the police stopping him,” Clinton said.

She said she continually talks to her three sons about how to interact with police. Keep your hands visible, she tells them. Comply as much as you possibly can.

“Don’t smoke in your car, keep your music low, wear your seat belt,” Clinton implores them. “I’ve had all those conversations.”

But she couldn’t fault her son, who sat still with his hands visible during the traffic stop.

“I couldn’t be more impressed in how both of them conducted themselves,” she said. “It should be a how-to video — and a how-not-to video for the police.”

Clinton said she wants the public to know that the black community faces these sorts of incidents routinely.

“This stuff goes unnoticed,” she said, “and there are no consequences.”

Bridget Fagan-Reidburn, an organizer with Iowa CCI, said the community deserves better from its police force — particularly from Thies.

“He has a history and a pattern,” she said.

The last two complaints CCI made against him were determined to be “unfounded,” Fagan-Reidburn said.

CCI on Wednesday released several data sets that the group claims shows evidence of racially biased policing. One data set purported to show that the officer in question has a history of targeting young black men and that, in fact, 100 percent of the people he arrested in 2017 were black.

On Thursday, CCI released a statement revising the initial claim about the data on Thies’ bookings. Parizek said police inspected the same data CCI had looked at and found that Thies was responsible for 253 arrests, with 127 arrestees being black — about 50 percent.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, just 11 percent of Des Moines residents identify as black or African American. Another 3.4 percent identify as belonging to “two or more races.”

Bridget Fagan-Reidburn, community organizer with Iowa CCI said, “We, unfortunately, had this piece of the data wrong. But unlike the DMPD, we can admit our mistake and take responsibility. The updated data for Thies’ booking history still tells the same story. In our opinion, he has a clear pattern of targeting young black males, and it has to stop.”

After releasing the footage, Iowa CCI launched a petition calling for the Des Moines Police Department and the Des Moines City Council to end racial profiling. The petition has been signed by over 550 residents in less than 24 hours.

After the videos became public, police received an influx of comments and questions on social media regarding the behavior employed during the traffic stop, Parizek said, adding that they cannot reply to every post about the incident.

“We expect our officers to be tactful and tactical,” Parizek said. “If we aren’t tactful, we may offend someone, leave a bad impression and appear unprofessional. If we aren’t tactical, we may die. A lack of tact can be corrected with one of, or combination of, training, re-instruction and, possibly, discipline. A tactical failure could become irreversible. Ideally, we work to find the balance of the two so that we can be safe, as well as respectful.

“Every aspect of this encounter will be evaluated during the administrative review.”

Thies made $36.22 an hour as of 2017, a little over $75,000 annually before overtime, according to city records.

In the broader picture, racial disparities in policing in Iowa have been the subject of contention in recent years.

In 2016, a report released by the ACLU/Human Rights Watch indicated that black Iowans were seven times more likely to be arrested for drug possession than white Iowans even though studies show that the two groups use illicit drugs at the same rate. That disparity was the second-worst in the nation.

Earlier that year, legislation intended to study and combat profiling by law enforcement failed to advance at the Statehouse.

A Des Moines Register investigation in 2015 included interviews with black Iowans who almost universally said that they believed police singled out minorities for questioning.

 

 

Florida man threatened people 3 different times before shooting man in latest ‘stand your ground’ case

The man charged with manslaughter after shooting another man in a Clearwater, Florida, convenience store parking lot has a history of threatening drivers, according to documents from the Pinellas County Circuit Court.

Michael Drejka, 47, fatally shot Markeis McGlockton in July after McGlockton shoved him to the ground during a dispute over a handicapped-accessible spot. Drejka claimed he feared for his life and said he fired in self-defense. Pinellas County Sheriff Bob Gualtieri previously said Florida’s “stand your ground” laws prevented him from arresting Drejka

Michael Drejka has been charged with manslaughter.

Michael Drejka has been charged with manslaughter.

Drejka was ultimately charged and will make his first appearance in court Tuesday afternoon. CNN has tried contacting Drejka multiple times, but has not heard back and it was not clear whether he has an attorney.

A truck driver parked in a handicapped-accessible spot

About three months ago, Richard Kelly told a Pinellas County Sheriff’s Office detective he was confronted by Drejka at Circle A Food Store, the same store where he shot McGlockton. Drejka, documents said, was upset because Kelly parked in a handicapped-accessible spot. The exchange between the two became very loud and Kelly said at some point during the argument Drejka told him he was going to shoot him, documents said

Prosecutor overrules sheriff, charges Florida man in 'stand your ground' case

Prosecutor overrules sheriff, charges Florida man in ‘stand your ground’ case

Drejka then went to his car and was rummaging around the center console, but documents said Kelly drove away. Drejka, Kelly said, also threw racial slurs at him. Kelly is black and Drejka is white

Court documents said Drejka wanted to voice his complaint to Kelly’s employer, AA Cut-Rate Septic Tank Service, so he spoke to the owner, John Tyler. Drejka told the business owner he was lucky he didn’t blow his employee’s head off, documents said.

A woman drove too slow through a school zone
On December 12, 2012, a woman told a Largo Police Department officer that a man driving a black Toyota truck, later identified as Drejka, pointed a gun at her and the passengers in the vehicle.The woman pointed out the truck to the officer. The officer spoke with Drejka, documents said, and he told the officer the woman was driving too slow through a school zone.Drejka denied pointing a gun at the occupants of the car, documents said, but he did have a gun in his vehicle. Drejka told the officer, according to police reports, that he honked at the people in the other car, and the people in that car made rude hand gestures at him.

A teen didn’t drive through a yellow light

On January 10, 2012, Tyler Smith, 18, was driving with a friend when a traffic light turned yellow. Smith decided not to drive through the light and stopped his vehicle.
A truck, driven by Drejka, was behind Smith. Drejka honked his horn, documents said, and yelled at Smith. Drejka held a black handgun out the driver’s side window of his vehicle and motioned for Smith to walk back to his truck, documents said. Drejka then followed the teen’s vehicle, passed it and slammed on his brakes, according to police reports
The teen did not press charges, documents said.
When officers confronted Drejka about the incident, he said the teen’s car cut him off, the police report said. He said he neither followed the teen’s car nor did he show his gun, but did admit to having one in his vehicle.

Update: Florida’s ‘stand your ground’ shooter makes first court appearance
More

Gunman in ‘stand your ground’ Florida shooting charged: officials

A Florida man was charged with manslaughter on Monday for fatally shooting another man during an argument over a parking spot, after police initially declined to arrest him due to the state’s “stand your ground” self-defense law, officials said.

Alleged shooter Michael Drejka, 47, was taken into custody on Monday, the Pinellas County Sheriff’s Office said in a statement.

Police had initially not charged Drejka over the July 19 shooting due to the 2005 law, which grants residents the right to use deadly force if they reasonably believe they are at risk of great harm or death.

Stand your ground

How 911 calls on blacks are a new twist on something old: white flight

There’s #SittingInStarbucksWhileBlack#BarbecuingWhileBlack#GolfingWhileBlack#EatingSubwayWhileBlack, and even #WearingSocksWhileBlack. Those are just some of the infractions committed by black people that caused white callers to dial 911.
As stories of these encounters ricochet across the media, it looks at times as if some mysterious new contagion — a quickly mutating form of racial profiling — is taking hold of the collective psyche of White America.
But this behavior isn’t a symptom of anything new. It’s a modern twist on something old, say some historians and those who’ve lived through it. This aggressive patrolling of public space bears an eerie resemblance to another race-induced contagion in America decades ago.
When the courts outlawed overt segregation in the 1950s and ’60s, many whites reacted by trying to “privatize” public spaces. They wanted to carve out melanin-free zones in parks, pools and sidewalks to avoid what some folks called “interracial intimacy.”
That battle led to “white flight,” a mass migration to the suburbs of whites who no longer wanted to share their public schools and sidewalks with people of color. What’s happening now is White Flight 2.0. Whites are standing their ground. Consciously or unconsciously, they are reasserting their belief that public spaces belong to them alone, says Kevin M. Kruse, a history professor at Princeton University.
“What we see now is the same underlying dynamic — the feeling that these public spaces cannot be shared,” says Kruse, author of “White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism.” “But rather than white flight, it’s fight.
“In the generation before, whites angry that these spaces are being shared or taken over by African-Americans packed up and left. Now they’re digging in and fighting.”
The 911 call may be the weapon of choice right now — perhaps made more obvious by the use of smartphones and social media — but some whites have used plenty of other tools to keep people of color off-balance in public spaces. “Black codes” passed after the Civil War mandated that blacks seek permission before traveling. “Sundown towns” displayed placards at the edge of town warning people of color to get off the streets after sunset. During the Jim Crow era, a black person had to step off the curb when a white person approached.
Making nonwhite people hop in public to the whims and fears of white people is an American tradition, says Robin DiAngelo, author of “White Fragility: Why It’s So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism.”
That behavior is meant to send a message — both then, as well as now with the 911 calls, she says.
“That attitude is, ‘This public space is ours, not yours. And you need to be in your rightful place,'” says DiAngelo, who is white. “It is the classic, ‘Step down off of that curb, I am coming down the sidewalk and you will submit to my presence. I own this country. I own this place. Don’t get uppity with me.'”
Diagnosing this outbreak is one thing, but stopping it is another. There are no Centers for Disease Control guidelines for changing the mind of someone who sees a black girl selling water on the street as a public safety threat.
But talking to those who have been victimized by these 911 calls — as well as someone who was raised in a community where this behavior was normal — may help.

‘You could hear her voice quivering’

A first step begins with the victims of the 911 calls. We usually see them play their part on camera — the befuddled person of color trying to figure out why they’re facing a police officer.
These moments often become sources of grim humor. People joke about them online. Some have created hashtags like #ExistingWhileBlack and #LivingWhileBlack to try to capture them all.
It’s easy to forget how emotionally damaging such experiences can be. Felicia Dobson, however, offers a reminder.
Her family made national news last month when a white Subway employee called 911 on her family because, Dobson says, she thought they might rob the store.
She and her husband, Othniel, were on a family trip when they stopped for dinner at a Subway in rural Georgia with their four children, ages 8, 12, 13 and 19, and the children’s aunt.
Dobson, a college graduate who works in a hospital as an advocate for cancer patients, says she had already been aware of the rash of 911 calls targeting black people.
“Every time I see that on the news it just brings tears to my eyes,” she says from her home in North Carolina.
Her tears turned to shock when it happened to her. She still can’t figure out why someone would think a husband and wife would bring their kids along for a robbery. A tape of the 911 call was released, and she listened to the employee tell the operator that “I need somebody to come through here please, ASAP. Now.”
“I am still shaking and disbelieving,” says Dobson. “She added information to make it sound like we were loiterers, like we didn’t pay for our food, and we were basically casing Subway. Never said we were a family. Never said we had children with us. She was scared and you could hear her voice quivering.”

Blacks can’t saunter in public without a purpose

David Billings can relate to that fear. It’s part of his family’s inheritance.
He grew up in the small town of McComb, Mississippi, during the Jim Crow era. He saw the panic that swept his white community as the civil rights movement reshaped public spaces. His family and friends didn’t just lose their “for whites only” signs. They lost their ability to control how blacks could move through those spaces.
After integration, the word "public" became a slur, writes David Billings.

“Blacks could not walk through a white neighborhood without a purpose such as going to and from work. They could not saunter or wander through neighborhoods. They could not pause or stop to observe the architecture of a particular house.”
After overt racism was outlawed, Billings writes, whites still found a way to control public space.
“We closed down libraries, pools, theaters,” he says. “We tried to protect ourselves from having to interact with anyone other than other white people.”
Then some whites took it a step further. They built “a private culture in defiance of government dictates,” he writes. Whites withdrew from the “public sphere” across America and migrated to the suburbs to evade integration. The word “public” became a slur. When it was attached to words like “housing,” “transportation” and “schools,” he says, it became a code word that meant poor, black and Latino.
When Billings hears about the 911 calls today, he sees some of the same forces stirring again.
“We feel unsafe if any person of color is in our surroundings and they’re not in a servant’s role,” he says. “It makes us feel vulnerable.”
Billings grew up in small-town Mississippi during the Jim Crow era.

That fear is mingled with something else — what he calls “IRS,” an internalized racial superiority.
It’s a message that’s passed down from one white generation to another, he says, and it’s buried so deep that many whites are not even aware it’s there.
IRS can lead people to do something so unkind and unfeeling that they’re oblivious to it, he says. Billings still remembers how his hometown church hired guards one Sunday morning to prevent blacks from attending — and then proceeded to praise Jesus.
“When I was growing up, segregation was so deep and enforced that it became a way of life,” he says. “I really didn’t have to think about it. It became something that we didn’t even notice.”

Why these encounters are happening now

But it would be a mistake to think that white flight only involved a physical retreat of whites from the city to the suburbs, says Kruse, author of “White Flight.”
They also withdrew their support — financial, political and social — from public spaces they could no longer control, he says.
He cites a little-known battle of Atlanta that didn’t take place during the Civil War, but during the 1950s and ’60s. White Atlantans staged bitter protests during that time in an attempt to avoid sharing space with blacks at public facilities like golf courses, parks and pools.
Some thought blacks carried diseases that could be spread in shared pools. One Atlantan wrote in 1959 that “there is nothing more intimate and integrated than a black n—– sitting beside a white girl on the trolley,” Kruse recounts.
“They believed that these public spaces, which they considered their own, had been stolen from them and given to another race,” Kruse writes.
That resentment spilled over into two bond initiatives in 1962 and 1963. The city of Atlanta was trying to raise $80 million for improvements to schools, sewers and other public works. It also wanted to build a new civic auditorium and cultural center at the city’s biggest public park.
But the bond initiatives went down to a “smothering defeat,” rejected by a margin of almost 2-1 by Atlanta’s white community. They felt like any advance for civil rights meant an equal loss for whites, Kruse recounts.
“They decided if we’re not going to use these spaces, we’re not going to fund them,” Kruse says.
Some of the whites who make 911 calls on black people in public are making a different decision today, he says. They now feel emboldened to reassert themselves because stances that would have been deemed socially unacceptable before are no longer universally condemned, he says.
President Trump has created a new environment. And “taking back our country” has taken on a literal meaning for some white people calling 911, he says.
“Taking our country back isn’t just about larger politics,” Kruse says. “It happens in small parcels. It’s not just taking the nation back. It’s about taking that space back, that park back, that pool back, of taking it back bit by bit.”
Part of taking it back for some white people is not having to figure out why black and brown people in public make them nervous, says DiAngelo, author of “White Fragility” — especially if they never admit there’s a racial dimension to the 911 calls.
“We don’t want to see because it challenges our identity as good people,” says DiAngelo. “And it would require change that (we) don’t want to engage in. There’s a refusal to know or see that serves us.”

Seeking out the messengers

So how does anyone reach a person who refuses to know?
During the civil rights movement, the nation decided it would no longer tolerate a dual public existence for whites and people of color, Kruse says. But while a court or government can force people to take down the “for whites only” signs in public, it can’t force them to dismantle the walls they’ve built in their hearts.
“If it is something that ordinary people are doing, it’s a lot harder to root out,” says Kruse. “If there isn’t the same sort of a major investment of national energy into this, you’re going to have a lot of these isolated incidents crop up across America.”
The women's suffrage movement may point the way to change, says Robin DiAngelo.

White people will ultimately have to stop the spread of these 911 calls because only they have the institutional power to halt the emotions that fuel the behavior, says DiAngelo.
She gives an example from 1920 to show how this could work.
“When women were granted the right to vote, there was only one way for us to possibly get it — and that is for men to give it to us,” DiAngelo says. “I could be mean to a man in a one-on-one interaction, but my group could not deny every single member of his group access to their civil rights. But men could deny every single member of my group access to civil rights. It was on men to change it because they could.”
That kind of change may start within.
That’s what happened to Billings, author of “Deep Denial.” He says he “packed my suitcase full of contradictions” and left his hometown for another world: college and seminary. He became an ordained minister, got active in the civil rights movement and now leads anti-racism workshops across America.
He says he changed because he sought out the “messengers.”
One was an aunt who became a missionary and civil rights activist. Another was a high school English teacher who taught him to think broader than his hometown. They all introduced him to a world “I didn’t even know existed,” he says.
“Most of us have somebody who moves us in a certain direction and opens our world view,” Billings says. “There are always messengers where you live. We have to seek them out.”
Yet there are others like Dobson who have to live in the world they know. This is the world where any banal activity in public — selling water, playing golf, napping — can literally end up with someone facing the barrel of a police officer’s gun.
Dobson knows that #EatingSubwayWhileBlack could have easily become #DyingWhileBlack.
“I thank God that the police officer who came — what if he had been another type of officer?” Dobson says. “We see how that goes wrong in the news. And these are my sweet innocent children, just eating a sandwich. What if that would have happened?”
Many nonwhites have lived with Dobson’s question through much of this nation’s history. They couldn’t “wander” or “saunter” through public spaces. They were constantly reacting to the whims and fears of some white person.
While the recent rash of 911 calls on black people may be new, some say the underlying motivation behind them is as old as “for whites only” signs. As long as jittery white people continue to call the police on black girls selling water on a hot day, or black men wearing socks in a pool, they are unwittingly sending the same message their ancestors did when they forced black people to step off the curb:
“I own this country. I own this space. Don’t get uppity with me.”

‘Stand your ground’ shooting case turned over to Florida state prosecutors, sheriff says

UPDATE: Stand your ground update

Deadly altercation over parking spot caught on camera.

(Police say a Florida man will face no charges for shooting another man dead in a parking lot after an argument last week.

Last Thursday, Markeis McGlockton parked in a handicap spot with his girlfriend and three young kids before going inside a convenience store with his five-year-old son to buy snacks. Outside, Michael Drejka approached McGlockton’s girlfriend, Britany Jacobs. Jacobs says Drejka yelled at her for parking in a handicapped spot without a permit.

Surveillance footage shows McGlockton then walked out of the store and shoved Drejka to the ground. Drejka pulled out his gun and fired a single shot at McGlockton in the chest.

Drejka has a concealed weapons permit and told police he shot McGlockton because he feared for his life.

The sheriff’s office says he is protected by Florida’s “stand your ground” law, which allows people to use deadly force when fearing “imminent death or great bodily harm” without a duty to try to escape the danger.

But Jacobs says McGlockton backed away from Drejka after he pushed him.

“This is wrong,”.  “Because what my man was trying to do was protect his girl like anybody else would.”)

I myself am so sorry for what happened there, but why does avery altercation with a white man and a black man have to be called racist because the two people are a different color. I am so sick of it, it’s all you hear now a days. why can’t it just be two people that can’t get along.

I have seen lazy people park in the handicapped spots all the time and I think it’s wrong too and the only reason I have not said anything was I was afraid of what people will do if you say anything to them. You see what happens when you speak up.

Surveillance video showed McGlockton leaving the store and shoving Drejka hard to the ground.

He should never have put his hands on anyone because of something they were saying.

Victim’s girlfriend says Florida gunman provoked fatal ‘stand your ground’ shooting

Update:

According to Gualtieri, Drejka feared “he was going to be further attacked by McGlockton,” he said as he played the surveillance footage. “He felt the next thing was that he was going to be slammed again.”

“We have to recognize that if Markeis McGlockton hadn’t walked up to him the way he did and slammed him on the ground, we wouldn’t be here having this discussion,” Gualtieri added.

Under Stand Your Ground, someone who feels they’re at risk of bodily harm or death can legally use lethal force, rather than retreat from the perceived threat. Critics of the the law, however, argue the language enables racism and racial profiling. Protesters gathered at the Circle K convenience store over the weekend to demand justice for McGlockton.

McGlockton’s criminal record includes drug charges, petit theft, and an aggravated battery arrest that all happened before 2011.

Full Name: Markeis D Mcglockton

Date:

Time: 9:12 PM

Arresting Agency: CLEARWATER POLICE

Total Bond: $2500

Personal Information

Arrest Age:18

Current Age: 28

Gender: Male

Birthdate: 03/28/1990

Block: 1100 Palm Bluff St

City: Clearwater, Florida 33755

Height: 5’10”

Weight: 180 lbs

Hair Color: BLK

Eye Color: BRO

Place of Birth: FL

Markeis Mcglockton Arrest Photo

Charges
  • #1 AGGRAVATED BATTERY DOMESTIC

    STATUTE: 784.045(1)(B)/F

  • #2 RESISTING ARREST W/VIOLENCE

    STATUTE: 843.01/F

    BOND: $2500

  • #3 DISORDERLY CONDUCT

    STATUTE: 877.03/M

Black lives do matter. Of course, we should all teach our children to be respectful of authority and their elders, but that can only go so far when you are minding your own business and someone starts harassing you and you should never put your hands on anyone because of something they were saying.

More Sh.. hiting the fan.

Police reportedly called on black man opening his own business.

“I was reluctant to give them my ID. I didn’t want to give them my ID and I just obliged after a while because I’ve seen what’s been going on every single day out here and I didn’t want to become a statistic. So I just gave them my ID and they ran it,” Stevenson said.

Stevenson told CNN that the phone call “had to be” racially motivated. “I could be wrong but I’m almost 1000% sure this was racially inspired,” he said.

This is what I mean racially motivated, because the cops were white and he was black.

For a while I thought it was changing and we were past the racial thing.

latest in a series of incidents called racial profiling are :

In one incident, a resident called the fire department to confirm that they were actually performing inspections, and sent security footage of her colleague to the police department because she “suspected ‘criminal activity’ at her house,” the firefighter wrote.

Also in June a white woman was filmed calling the police on an 8-year-old African-American girl selling bottles of water without a permit.  “I think she’s a bully,” said Austin. “Just the fact that she called the police on a child, that’s evil, but to call on a child of color, knowing that people have been killing black kids. That says to me you don’t care about my child’s life.”

In one incident, a white woman in Oakland became known as “BBQ Becky” on social media after she called police on black people who were barbecuing in an area of a park where that was banned.

The one thing I see is these people were all breaking the rules or a law, but everyone over reacted.

I just wish everyone could see past the color thing.